The army, which forced former president Abdelaziz Bouteflika to resign in April 2019, wields significant influence over the political system. Opposition parties remain weak and divided. The protest movement, which is called Hirak, has no leadership and therefore will be unable to negotiate with the authorities. Uncertainty remains over how President Abdelmadjid Tebboune will deal with Hirak over the coming months, especially once the spread of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) slows and protesters’ appetite to return to the streets grows. 

The referendum to reform the constitution that took place 1 November passed by a two-thirds majority, but only 23.7% of the electorate participated, which will compromise the public legitimacy of the amendments. The approved changes include limiting the president’s maximum tenure to two five-year terms (consecutive and non-consecutive), establishing greater protection of judicial independence, and reducing some of the president’s powers, while increasing those of parliament and the prime minister. The new constitution also contemplates the establishment of a new, independent anti-corruption body, greater electoral transparency, and improved protections for minorities. Further, the amendments grant the military the authority to act outside of Algeria’s borders.

Hirak opposed the referendum, as it views President Abdelmadjid Tebboune as illegitimate, considers the constitutional changes to be cosmetic at best, and sees the proposed changes as entrenching the authority of the military as the country’s primary political actor. However, the movement has lost its cohesiveness and scale as a result of COVID-19-related restrictions and a concerted campaign of repression by the security forces. Security forces have successfully broken up circles of activists, journalists, and organizers at the heart of the movement; which implies that the movement is not a sizeable threat to the government. Nonetheless, a combination of widespread apathy and public opposition to the plebiscite meant that the referendum was effectively boycotted by most of the public. 

Following the dissolution of the People’s National Assembly, Algerians voted in the legislative elections in June 2021. Supporters of the Hirak uprising rejecting the military-political establishment called to massively demonstrate and called for a boycott of the election, as  done some figures of the political opposition. This calling of the Hirak and opposition resulted in a extremelly low turn-out, something that reduces the legitimacy of the Government and widen the breach between the political power and the society. 

Algeria is considered a Hybrid Regime in the 2020 Democracy Index, developed by The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), where the country ranks 113 out of 167 countries scored.

The country ranks 82 on the 2019 Human Development Index developed by the United Nations Development Programme.

Moreover, the country ranks 146 out of 180 countries according to the 2021 World Press Freedom Index, elaborated by the Reporteros Sin Fronteras (RSF) organization. According to this classification, freedom of information remains under serious threat in Algeria.

Businesses face risks arising from pervasive corruption, a slow and inefficient bureaucracy, and an inconsistent and fast-changing regulatory environment. However, the government is likely to slowly ease regulations in order to attract foreign investment, as low oil prices since 2014, and increasingly since March 2020, have put significant pressure on public finances and prompted limited efforts to diversify the economy. The restrictions imposed by the government in response to coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) will likely cause significant operational disruption in the coming months. The state bureaucracy’s reduced capacity, travel restrictions, and curfews, along with budgetary adjustments, will cause severe delays to the approval of paperwork and implementation of projects.

Although legal barriers to non-hydrocarbon investment are gradually being reduced and will likely continue in an attempt to attract FDI, the state will maintain control over strategic sectors such as energy, automotive, and steel. Foreign investments are at risk of expropriation in the event of disputes with the government, or if they fail to perform to expectations. Administrative inefficiency, corruption, and an overburdened legal system continue to pose obstacles for business. Anti-government protests are likely to cause business and traffic disruption, especially on Fridays, across Algeria.

Although labour activism is common, it mainly affects the public sector. Foreign companies are rarely directly affected by labour activism, though it has occasionally occurred in labour-intensive sectors such as construction or industry. Jobless people may stage protests against foreign companies in relation to a perceived lack of local employment opportunities or a perceived bias in recruitment practices. The construction and operational phases of Saharan energy projects have been subject to unrest. This is often linked to employees' contractual terms or to the perception among local communities that workers from northern Algeria and other countries are favoured for employment. These protests are normally non-violent but can cause significant operational obstacles.

Infrastructure is largely efficient in most urban centers but remains significantly less developed in rural and southern areas. In particular, Algeria suffers from a high number of road-related fatalities due to poor road conditions and driving habits. Despite an improvement in road security measures over the past few years, the number of incidents remains high. The Ministry of the Interior reported that approximately 12 people die per day in traffic incidents, a rate of approximately 4380 deaths per year.

Travel by road outside of cities is not advised. If traveling by car is unavoidable, do so in a convoy of several vehicles equipped with emergency communication devices (e.g. satellite telephones). Roadside ambushes are infrequent but at least four separate incidents occurred in 2016, leaving several Algerian citizens dead. In all cases, it is preferable to travel with a local.

Military and police checkpoints are common on major roads within large cities and throughout the countryside. Security personnel at these checkpoints expect full cooperation. For these and other reasons, air travel is preferred inside the country.

If taking a taxi, ask your hotel to recommend a reliable company and do not allow other unknown passengers to join you during the journey. Arrange for the driver to collect you for the return journey as taxis are not widely available, particularly after dark.

Travel by train is possible between Algiers and Oran but is not recommended.

The SNCM ferry company (La Société Nationale Corse Méditerranée) serves both Algiers and Skikda from Marseille and Oran from Alicante (Spain). The ferry transports both cars and people. It is advised to arrange for your pick up from the port of arrival in advance.  

Algiers-Houari Boumediene International Airport (ALG) is located in the southeast of the capital and adheres to international air safety standards. While security measures are not on par with those of US airports, security personnel are present throughout the airport. The government has recently taken steps to improve airport security.

Overall, Algeria ranks 157 out of 190 countries scored at the 2020 Doing Business Index by the World Bank and 104 out of 198 at the 2020 Corruption Perception Index by the Transparency International Organization.

The majority of crimes tend to be committed by individuals or small numbers of low-capability and poorly organized criminal groups. These do not exert significant influence over local authorities or public institutions, nor do they pose an extortion risk to businesses. Petty crime usually occurs in poorer urban areas, away from business and leisure areas frequented by expatriates, which enjoy higher security presence, including police checkpoints. The most serious criminality comes from jihadist-related criminality to finance their activities, such as illegal narcotics, and weapons, and human trafficking, particularly along the southern borders. The risk of violent crime is moderate.

Algeria has witnessed its largest protests in 20 years demanding a wholesale change in political protests. These are likely to resume after the COVID-19 virus pandemic. President Abdelmadjid Tebboune's proposed socioeconomic reforms are unlikely to gain traction unless further concessions that are considered more credible are undertaken by the authorities, including the release of all detained protesters. In the coming months, poor socio-economic conditions will likely spark new waves of protests, though these may be smaller and more localized. 

Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) poses the main terrorism threat. It funds itself through organized crime (including kidnap for ransom; the trafficking of arms, vehicles, cigarettes, and people; protection rackets; and extortion within the areas in which it maintains a presence). Algeria has long placed high emphasis on securing its more than 6,000-km border areas, particularly against jihadist penetration from Libya, Mali, and Niger, and it is likely to reinforce it during the ongoing anti-government protests. Algeria's established military doctrine excludes deployment on operations outside Algeria and gives primacy to enhancing frontier security. Consequently, regional security co-operation remains weak, although Algeria has stepped up security co-operation with neighboring states; for instance, participating in the January 2020 Berlin conference on Libya. On the Libyan side, co-operation is problematic, given the prevalence of competing militias there and the absence of any effective state military forces.

Algeria will continue to face security challenges because of instability in Libya and Mali. This will manifest itself in occasional small-scale attacks targeting the security forces and in militants retaining an operational presence, particularly in border areas in eastern and southern Algeria. Therefore, the government will continue to increase spending on security.

Escalation of domestic civil unrest would require the allocation of security force personnel and other resources to major cities, but is unlikely to critically deplete resources along Algeria’s borders or in militant hotspots. Troop deployments to the eastern and southern borders with Libya, Mali, and Tunisia remain in place, mitigating the risk of jihadist incursions. Given the distances involved, this is, however, insufficient to prevent all infiltration. The Algerian army (APN) regularly discovers arms and ammunition caches, most commonly IEDs and small-arms. Jihadist groups lack the capability and willingness to undertake a major attack in large urban centers, instead of focusing on localized attacks targeting security forces, and isolated kidnap for ransom.

Overall, Algeria ranks 117 out of 163 within the 2020 Global Peace Index by the Institute for Economics and Peace.

Algeria is not currently among the most cyber-attacked countries in the world.  According to Kaspersky cyber threat map, it ranks as the 30 most cyber-attacked. 

Some of the most advanced cyber threat actors highly likely carry out commercial espionage in Algeria, and foreign companies operating in Algeria’s oil and gas sector almost certainly present attractive targets.

Yellow fever: There is no risk of contracting yellow fever in Algeria. However, the government of Algeria requires proof of vaccination for travelers arriving from countries with a risk of yellow fever transmission. A single dose of YF vaccine is sufficient to confer sustained life-long immunity against the disease.

Even though health conditions in Algeria are improving, it is advisable to travel with good medical insurance, which includes repatriation, with the widest possible coverage that allows you to go to the best hospitals in the country. By way of indication, in Algiers, the best hospitals, with facilities similar to those in Europe, are the private clinic Al Azhar, the Chiffa clinic, the Ain Naadja military hospital, and the Police hospital. In Oran, there are two hospitals: the CHU (Centre Hospitalo-Universitaire) and the EHU (Établissement Hospitalo-Universitaire). Apart from these public hospitals, there are numerous private clinics. In pharmacies, you can find common medicines. Although it is recommended to travel with the medications prescribed by your doctor in case you are receiving specific treatments in Spain.

Algeria ranks 173 out of 195 within the 2019 Global Health Security Index, a project of the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) and the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security (JHU), developed with The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU).

The north of the country, including along the coastline and the Tell Atlas mountain chain, has a Mediterranean climate (hot and dry summers, cool and wet winters). The high plateau regions in the center of the country are semi-arid while the area south of the Saharan Atlas chain is desert.

Temperatures can vary significantly within a single day, particularly in the Sahara Desert where temperatures can fluctuate between extremes in the space of a few hours (above 40°C during the day and below 5°C at night).

Algeria is highly vulnerable to floods. In 2001, flooding in the Algiers neighborhood of Bab El Oued left nearly 1000 people dead and caused major damage.

Earthquakes sometimes strike in the north of the country. On May 21, 2003, an earthquake with a magnitude of 6.7 on the Richter scale left 2200 dead and 15,000 homeless in the Boumerdès region of east Algiers. Less violent earthquakes occur regularly. To learn more about what to do before, during, and after an earthquake, see this advice from our Emergency Page.

Snowfall may occur in the winter and can cause widespread transportation disruptions....